Download Chinese-Soviet Relations, 1937-1945: The Diplomacy of by John W. Garver PDF

By John W. Garver

Throughout the Sino-Japanese struggle of 1937-1945, the chinese language humans suffered nice degradation by the hands of the japanese. The spectacle of China's debasement in addition to the very genuine prospect of the recovery of alien rule incensed nationalist passions all through China. because the army, monetary, and political crises deepened, 3 diversified chinese language regimes emerged--the chinese language Communist occasion (CCP), chinese language Nationalist occasion or Kuomintang (KMT), and the pro-Japanese executive headed by way of Wang Jingwei--all competing for nationalist legitimacy. via an exhaustive and meticulous exam of obtainable assets, John Garver right here illuminates the advanced courting among those diverse variations in chinese language nationalism and the Soviet Union in this interval. In doing so, Garver elucidates the international relations of Chiang Kai-shek and the chinese language Nationalists, the internal heritage of chinese language Communist family members with the Soviet Union, and the intersection of those topics in the better context of diplomacy in East Asia and the area.

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Additional resources for Chinese-Soviet Relations, 1937-1945: The Diplomacy of Chinese Nationalism

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Moscow's submission of the draft for a mutual security agreement in June 1937 may be interpreted in this light, that is, as a Soviet effort to bolster Chinese courage in a situation of increasingly tense Sino-Japanese relations. 26 Especially when meeting with private Chinese citizens, politicians, and reporters, Bogomolov would indicate that the Soviet Union was pre- 22 CHINESE-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1937-1945 pared to provide all the necessary assistance if China went to war with Japan, but with Chinese officials Bogomolov was more cautious.

If Berlin succeeded in persuading Tokyo to offer China a lenient peace, then Germany, Japan, and China might move forward with anticommunist cooperation. Moscow's fear of such a possibility would encourage it to be more generous and firm in its support for China's resistance against Japan. On 5 November, German Ambassador Oskar Trautmann conveyed Japan's peace terms to Chiang Kai-shek along with Tokyo's warning that the longer the war continued, the harsher Japan's terms would become. Chiang rejected the Japanese terms out of hand.

It was still necessary to wait for the opportunity to ripen. If Britain, France, and the United States became willing to act together with the Soviet Union, then it would be possible for the Soviet Union to send troops to China. If the Soviet Union alone sent troops, Stalin continued, it would only encourage Germany and Italy to assist Japan, lessen international sympathy for China, and encourage the misperception that the Soviet Union wanted to communize China. All of this would be contrary to the interests of China's war of resistance.

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