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By Francis Adams, Satya Dev Gupta, Kidane Mengisteab

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Wars of movement and position are expressions of counterhegemonic consciousness at the collective level. They represent moments in history when individuals come together in violent and non-violent confrontations with the state. The question remains, how and why does counterhegemonic consciousness emerge in everyday life, leading to openly-declared collective action? Gramsci's discussion of common sense in the development of counterhegemonic consciousness is crucial to explaining historical and/or contemporary forms of resistance.

Neither Samir Amin 27 Japan, the European Community, nor any of the countries that make up the Community have any real ambition to reduce this power, even if at times, in some European countries, there is a feeling that 'it would be nice if things were otherwise'. The antistate discourse is aimed at all states, except the United States, in its hegemonic political and military functions. There is an overall political strategy of global management. This strategy is carried out by the United States and supported by the other major powers.

At times, however, the violence of the political crisis is such that it imposes an appearance of democracy of the type I have referred to as 'little, low-intensity democracy', pseudopluralist and pseudo-electoral, as a way of managing the 'transition'. The era of dictatorships and authoritarian regimes, whether military, theocratic or other, is far from over. In developed capitalist countries the conflict between the aspirations of popular majorities and the results produced by current policies, the helplessness of states to deal with the forces unleashed by globalization (a helplessness that is accepted and even willed by the classes that dominate the state), and frighteningly effective forms of media manipulation have produced a genuine crisis affecting the idea and practice of democracy.

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